Dear Reader Letter

Dear Reader,

For this project I wanted to focus on a book I had already read, but maybe did not fully understand.  I first read Edwin O’Connor’s The Last Hurrah when I was in 7th grade, and I did so because it’s one of my dad’s favorite books and I wanted to see why.  I remember liking the book at the time, but not really comprehending all the themes that O’Connor explores.  So, for this quarter, I decided to revisit the novel.

I knew that the novel takes place in probably the 1950s, because one of the major issues is the use of television (a new technology) in political campaigning.  This made me wonder when political machines stopped being such a ubiquitous part of politics.  I also read the book Don’t Make No Waves, Don’t Back No Losers by Milton Rakove several years ago; it is a very in-depth “insider’s analysis” of Richard Daley’s political machine in Chicago towards the second half of the 20th century.  I figured it would be useful to use this as one of my research sources, and so I decided that my essay topic would be the history and transformation of political machines in the United States over time.  The rest of my research was focused on different time periods; I used a report from the late 1890s and a 2013 article, as well as a newspaper column from the 1970s.

One thing that stood out to me in O’Connor’s writing was the way he described the election night when Frank Skeffington realizes that he is not going to be reelected.  Skeffington comes to this conclusion long before anyone else on his staff, but he remains quiet; O’Connor describes it as if Skeffington is presiding over his own (political) wake.  This is why I decided to make the idea of a wake my golden thread.  Since I knew that traditional machine politics died out at some point in American history, incorporating the wake into my multigenre writing projects and my essay seemed natural.

When it came time to decide what types of writing I wanted to do for my genres, I struggled a little bit.  I knew that I wanted to write an obituary, since Skeffington dies at the end of the book and this also mirrors the idea of the wake and the ending of his type of politics.  The other genres I had to think more about.  Eventually, I settled on a series of tweets from Skeffington’s opponent, Kevin McCluskey, following Skeffington’s death.  I wanted to show the emergence of new technology and how it helped McCluskey but contributed to Skeffington’s demise, and I also sought to show the vapidness behind the tweets and McCluskey himself.  I also wrote a piece of flash fiction to show how political machines functioned in the early 20th century.  Finally, I designed (poorly) a campaign pin for Skeffington and attached a memo to it from a campaign worker to Gorman, one of Skeffington’s advisors.  I wanted the memo and the pin to echo the idea that old-school politics were on their way out and would not bode well for the campaign.

In doing my research and writing my pieces, I realized that machine politics never really died; it just fundamentally changed.  Patronage, political favors, and corruption are clearly still big issues in America, but I think they manifest themselves in different ways and with different people than they used to.  Overall, this project helped me to learn a lot about political history (something I’m very passionate about) and also to stretch myself creatively in writing in various styles and incorporating my golden thread into those pieces.  I hope you’ve enjoyed my work!

Esther

Genre 4: Campaign Buttons/Memo

It's His Funeral

Gorman:

Here is one of the new designs for the campaign pins.  The Governor asked that we keep it simple, but I’ve seen some of McCluskey’s buttons and I have to tell you, I think his are better.  They look clean, modern, you know.  Frank needs to rethink something if he wants to capture the vote of some of the younger folks.  Also, McCluskey has been focusing a lot on his past as a veteran, but I’m sure you know that.  Anyways, let me know what you think of this design; I don’t have that much capability to make something newfangled, but I think that if we don’t at least try to catch up to McCluskey in the technology department, well...let’s just say it will be Frank’s funeral.

Charlie Myers

Genre 3: Flash Fiction

Vote Early and Vote Often

Declan had a familiar ache in his chest.  He understood that this was his body reminding him how exhausted he was, even though it was only ten in the morning.  Trudging down the street that was, by this time on a Tuesday morning, as quiet as he could hope for, he let his face turn upwards toward the sky.  It was just starting to snow.  Looking at the pale blue expanse above him allowed him to momentarily forget the myriad of tasks ahead of him for the day.  New York, he thought, was really a phenomenal city.

The church was silent but for the murmurs of voters and polling place workers.  The air was close and inviting; it felt Christian.  Declan welcomed the pious atmosphere as a respite from the biting November air.  Strolling up to the voting booths, he nonchalantly offered his name as “Mark Haverford” and took a ballot.  Upon indicating that Mr. Haverford would be voting for Patrick Coughlin for mayor, Declan deposited the ballot into the proper box and braced himself for the chill as he headed back outside.

It was at Father O’Grady’s wake that Declan had first discovered the colossus that was the Democratic Party.  Daniel Rogers, Coughlin’s top advisor, had approached him towards the end of the service.  “You’ve got a good Irish brogue,” Rogers had declared, beaming, “and we could use you on Mr. Coughlin’s campaign.”  Declan hesitated momentarily, and Rogers continued: “We could get you a job, you know.  And of course Coughlin is the only candidate who really supports the immigrants around here.  Especially the Irish.  The others just want to kiss up to the fat cats.  But Coughlin, he helps the little guy.”  This was convincing to Declan, and from then on he had been a loyal servant of Patrick Coughlin.

Coughlin’s campaign office was, as per usual, hazy with cigar smoke.  There was a bottle of whiskey on one of the center tables, and beside it were several ward maps of the city.  Haggard-looking men in poorly tailored jackets -- Rogers being one of them -- discussed strategies for the hours remaining in the day.  When Declan walked in, almost nobody looked up from their work.  The air in here, Declan mused, is much less comfortable than it was at the church.  He sought out Max McDonnell, who was hunched over a corner table, eyeing lists of voters.  McDonnell welcomed him warmly.

“How did it go?”

“Just fine, Max.  I’ll go out again if you’d like.”

“Good man.  How about...Ian Devlin, 5th ward?”

“I’ll be back soon then.”

And with that, Declan again left the office.  He was on his way to the voting booth.  It was his third time that day, and he predicted that it would not be his last.

Genre 2: Tweets

McCluskey's Mourning

November 6

@Kevin_McCluskey: Results are in, and thanks to all of you, I will be serving as your next mayor! (10:31 pm)

@Kevin_McCluskey: Thank you for your support during the campaign. I will do my best to serve this great city! We will do great work together. (10:32 pm)

November 8

@Kevin_McCluskey: Saddened to hear about the death of Frank Skeffington, our former mayor. He had a tremendous impact on the city for over 30 years. (3:13 pm)

@Kevin_McCluskey: A wake will be held for Mayor Skeffington on Sunday, I will be in attendance and I encourage others to be as well. (3:14 pm)

@Kevin_McCluskey: I will also make an appearance on local TV channel 9 tomorrow to speak about my ideas as mayor.  Tune in!  There are big things in store for our city. (4:42 pm)

@Kevin_McCluskey: Please consider making a donation to the Local Veterans’ Fund.  I will be speaking at their annual fundraiser on December 15. (6:06 pm)

@Kevin_McCluskey: I want to make government more honest.  What do you want from me in my upcoming term? (7:55 pm)

Genre 1: Obituary

Frank Skeffington, Infamous Mayor, Dead at 73

Francis “Frank” Skeffington, 73, died of a heart attack in the afternoon of November 8, at his home in Boston.

He was married to the late Katherine.  He is survived by his only son, Francis Jr., 37.  He is also survived by his nephew, Adam Caulfield, 33, and Adam’s wife, Maeve, 22.

Frank was a dynamic and successful politician, serving as the governor of Massachusetts for two terms before serving as mayor of Boston for over thirty years.  He was a devout Irish-Catholic who loved poetry and Shakespeare.  He was adored by his constituents, opening up his home to the public for counsel at 9:45 every morning.

A public funeral service will be held at the Blessed Sacrament Church on Sunday, following a wake at Mr. Skeffington’s home.

Expository Essay

In the Wake of Reforms: The Transformation of American Machine Politics Over Time

The phrase “political machine” often conjures the image of men sitting around a table in a room hazy with cigarette smoke, discussing how to buy the next election.  The term seems obsolete; it is a staple of AP United States History vocabulary flashcards.  However, political machines continued to exist long past the days of the 19th century, and in fact, continue to function (with some prevalence) in America today.  While they grew out of the social and political conditions of Gilded Age cities, political machines have since evolved to affect the electoral system nationally and locally through the 20th and 21st centuries.

Political machines were, initially, a product of the slums that were common in many of America’s largest cities.  In an 1898 report on Boston’s settlement houses, workers described the presence of gangs and their tremendous support for “boss rule” -- “I have already referred to the loafers and semi-criminal class...It is a tradition among these men to stand in with the boss.  If they get into trouble with the police, he frequently comes to their assistance” (Woods 135).  Political bosses, then, relied upon the lower classes for their support; ward members who supported the Party’s campaigns received patronage jobs and other favors.  As Robert Woods, the primary author of the 1898 report, wrote, “According to the ethics of the district, a man who receives a job is under the most sacred obligations to the politician who bestowed it.  The lack of employment, therefore, is one of the most important factors working in the interest of the boss and boss rule” (Woods 136).  The most loyal supporters of these machines did not dole out large sums of money in order to receive the good graces of the boss; their backing came in the form of, for example, voting for the Party multiple times on election day.

After the Great Depression and the New Deal, the advent of federal aid programs eliminated some of the need for local governments to provide the same type of assistance.  The constituency of political machines tended to become more heavily based upon ethnicity, most famously those centered around Irish-Americans.  For example, in Edwin O’Connor’s novel The Last Hurrah, Frank Skeffington is a prominent Irish-Catholic politician who has served as mayor of a large American city for over 30 years (and before that as governor of the state for two terms).  Skeffington represents old-school machine politics in which the boss helps ordinary citizens in exchange for their votes; “...he had made a ritual of receiving the public in his home.  Promptly at 9:45 each morning he held court, and all who came to him were ultimately received” (O’Connor 10).  Small favors are a staple of his popular administration, as “In every case something was needed: a job, a letter of introduction, medical care for an ailing wife, a low rent house, a pair of glasses, a transfer from one city department to another, a lawyer, a hardship discharge for a son in the army, money” (O’Connor 12).  Richard Daley, another Irish-Catholic, used similar tactics in Chicago through the 1970’s.  One of Daley’s precinct captains, Arthur Varchmin, said that “‘People in my precinct don’t have to worry about a thing.  All they have to do is call me...I do maybe 150 favors a year’” (Rakove 127).  However, in the novel, Skeffington loses his election to a fresh, new face who takes advantage of modern campaign strategies, such as the use of television.  It is a sign to him that the times are changing; there is no room for him or his machine in city politics anymore.

Furthermore, towards the end of the 20th century, the nature of machine politics changed dramatically.  Political machines had always been primarily a tool of the Democratic Party because both based their support in urban, working-class immigrants.  The Chicago Daley Machine represented a Democratic bastion in the sea of rural Republican Illinois in the 20th century; “In contrast to Catholic, ethnic, black Chicago, downstate Illinois has traditionally been white, Protestant, small-town, Republican, and conservative” (Rakove 152).  When Richard Nixon became president, he “personally ordered the federal crackdown on corruption in Chicago as an act of political vengeance,” due to the fact that he believed the Daley Machine had been responsible for his loss in 1960 (Anderson).  Nixon’s policies reduced the influence of Democratic political machines in America, but as they dissipated, different machines took their place.  The predominant system of machine politics moved to rural Republican areas, and the way that machines function also transformed: “Compared to the old-style machine politics in which loyal constituencies earned municipal jobs, voting blocs in the new street-money game derive small, ephemeral benefits while local kingpins often pocket substantial gains” (Smith).  Ultra-conservative Tea Party candidates, such as Michele Bachmann, have used this strategy to work around campaign contribution laws and accept millions of dollars from a few wealthy donors.  Thus, the political machine changed from a support system for lower-class, disadvantaged people to a means of further increasing the influence of big money on American politics.

Political machines, though often corrupt, represented an opportunity for working-class Americans to interact with government, getting what civic aid they needed in return for engagement in the political process.  Now, however, that type of machine is dead.  On election night, Frank Skeffington watched the election results tell him what he had already suspected; that his political career was dead, and that he had to make way for a new type of politics headed by vapid candidates and pictured on television.  Skeffington understood that he was, in essence, presiding over his own wake.  Similarly, Americans are witnessing the death of democratic politics as government becomes less and less responsive to the needs of ordinary people and more focused on the wants of big businesses and corporate donors.

Works Cited

Anderson, Jack. "Nixon Ordered Crackdown on Corruption in Chicago." Lakeland Ledger 9 Mar. 1973: 6A. Print.

O'Connor, Edwin. The Last Hurrah. Boston: Little, Brown, 1956. Print.

Rakove, Milton L. Don't Make No Waves, Don't Back No Losers: An Insider's Analysis of the Daley Machine. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1975. Print.

Smith, Jeffrey. "'Walking-Around Money': How Machine Politics Works in America Today." The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, 12 June 2013. Web. 21 May 2015.

Woods, Robert A., ed. The City Wilderness: A Settlement Study. Rep. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1898. Annals of American History Online [Encyclopaedia Britannica]. Web. 21 May 2015.

In-Process Blog Post #2

For my expository essay, I am planning on writing about the history of machine politics in the United States.  I have several sources that cover various time periods; I have an article from settlement house workers about how machine politics worked in the late 1800's, I have the novel itself, which takes place in the 1950's, and I have the book Don't Make No Waves, Don't Back No Losers which focuses on the Daley machine during the 1970's.  I also have an article that was written a few years ago about what the "modern" political machine looks like.  I may try and find some more information about how political machines function today, because I think that there are a lot of ways to interpret what a "political machine" means in today's political scene.

I think I want to structure the essay chronologically, starting with the beginnings of machine politics (something I need to research) and continuing through to today.  I haven't analyzed the sources fully yet, but I'm thinking that my thesis will probably be something related to how political machines may have changed, but they do still exist today (although I don't want to put the cart before the horse, so I'll see what happens).  I want to consider the fact that political machines are generally considered to be extinct; I don't think this is true and so I will devote at least some portion of my paper (probably towards the end) to discussing that.  I want to bring it back to Chicago, since I think that there is still a sizable machine functioning there (thanks, Rahm).  I need to figure out how I'm going to work with the fact that my sources are from different cities in the U.S.; I don't think this should be a huge problem but that may need some discussion in the essay.  However, I think that since the essay is just a history of machine politics in the country in general, this shouldn't be too much of a problem.

In terms of genres, I am pretty sure that I'm going to write an obituary for Frank Skeffington, who dies at the end of The Last Hurrah.  I also want to make some campaign buttons if I can find my button maker, and also write a newspaper article (maybe about Skeffington's loss in the mayoral race).  Finally, I want to write a speech for some machine candidate (this may be Skeffington, but I could also write it for Daley or someone else).  The golden thread is something I haven't decided on, but I may try and find a good quote from the novel to use.  Otherwise, I'm thinking about whether or not there are some good symbols to consider.